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من رئيس حزب المؤتمر السوداني إلي جماهير الشعب السوداني الثائ
من رئيس حزب المؤتمر السوداني إلي جماهير الشعب السوداني الثائ
من رئيس حزب المؤتمر السوداني إلي جماهير الشعب السوداني الثائ


09-24-2013 04:10 PM
بيان هام رقم (1)
من رئيس حزب المؤتمر السوداني
إلي جماهير الشعب السوداني الثائر

رغم الرفض الشعبي الكبير من كل قطاعات الشعب للزيادات الخرافيه في أسعار الوقود والغاز والخبز والزيت والدقيق....
مضي النظام غير آبه بأنات الغلابه والمسحوقين والفقراء والمساكين بل فاقد الوعي والإحساس وحتي المعرفة بقوت الناس ومايأكله الشعب .
توهم رأس النظام ووزير ماليته ان أهل السودان صارو في بحبوحه من العيش يفطرون بالبيتزا ويتغدون بالهوت الدوق...الويل لهم من شعب جائع وعاطل ومظلوم ومقهور ..ليل الظلم لن يطول وأي اول له اخر .
الشعب الآن في الشوارع والطرقات يهتف ملء الفم مطالب برحيل النظام لا خيار لنا الا سقوط النظام ..لا مساومه ..لامهادنه..لا مصالحه..لا إصلاح ..لا ترقيع ..لا أسعار ..ولا يحزنون ..الأمر أمر بلد يتمزق من أطرافه وتمتهن كرامة أهله ويزل شعبه من طغمه عسكريه وامنيه وعصابه فاشيه تريد ان تستمر في حكم البلد بأي ثمن تعتصر عرقه وتمتص دمه وتثقل كاهله بالمزيد من الأعباء ودعاوي رفع الدعم الباطلة المسنوده بقوة السلاح والرصاح وآلة اعلاميه لا تكف عن النعيق بالباطل وعلماء سوء يمشون في مواكب النظام يزينون سواءات أعماله بالآيات والأحاديث وهم يحسبون أنهم يحسنون صنعا..أنهم الاخسرون أعمالا
اخرجوا أهل السودان الي الشوارع كالسيول دكو حصون الباطل أغلقوا متاجركم والأسواق اضربو عن المدارس والمكاتب اعتصموا في الميادين تظاهرو وثورو علي حكومة الباطل هذه لا أمل لكم ولا لأبنائكم في مستقبل واعد وغداً مشرق الا بذهاب النظام .
اصمدوا وثبتو في مستنقع الموت ارجلكم وأكتبوا وعمدو بالدم ميلاد سودان جديد .....وليكن غناؤنا وهتافنا ...................
الرصاص لن يردينا الرصاص لن يردينا

في الختام:

التحيه والإجلال لشهداء نيالا و ودمدني وكل الذين سيصرعهم الطغيان اليوم وغداًوبعد غدا ....
هم مهر الحرية وكلنا لها

ابراهيم الشيخ عبدالرحمن
رئيس حزب المؤتمر السوداني


تعليقات 23 | إهداء 0 | زيارات 10616

التعليقات
#776229 [د.حميد قنيب]
0.00/5 (0 صوت)

09-25-2013 11:50 AM
مشكوررررررررررررررررر ود الشيخ


#775728 [عباس الامين]
5.00/5 (1 صوت)

09-25-2013 02:50 AM
جزء من خطاب اوباما امام الجمعية العامة للامم المنحدة ارجو ان تترجموه للبشير لانه لن يذهب
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Attack in Kenya Sukkot Syria UN General Assembly Word of the Day BREAKING NEWS
12:23 AM Rohani at UNGA: Iran poses no threat to world peace
12:02 AM Iranian President Hassan Rohani addresses UNGA (Haaretz)
10:52 PM Obama to Abbas in UNGA meeting: Peace won't be easy (AP)
10:04 PM No Obama-Rohani meeting, it proved too complicated, U.S. official says (Reuters)
9:51 PM French president meets Iranian leader at UN (AP)
9:36 PM IM chief, Rohani met at UN to discuss economic developments and priorities, spokesman says (Reuters)
9:08 PM Iranian President Hassan Rohani did not attend UN luncheon, NBC reports (Haaretz)
8:45 PM
Egypt warns Hamas over Sinai border (Reuters)8:32 PM France's Hollande: Welcomes Iran statements, will remain firm on non-proliferation (Reuters)
8:27 PM Netanyahu says after Obama speech world should not be fooled by Iran's 'soothing words' (Reuters)
8:22 PM Jordan's King to CNN: Syrian crisis a 'global, humanitarian and security disaster' (Haaretz)
8:17 PM Aid group: Syrian children face food shortages (AP)
7:51 PM Kenyan mall standoff ends: 67 Kenyans perished; 5 terrorists killed, 11 captured (Reuters)
7:40 PM Netanyahu orders Israeli UN delegation not to attend Rohani's speech (Haaretz)
7:23 PM Finance Minister Yair Lapid urges no boycott of Rohani's UN speech (Haaretz)
More Breaking News HomeNewsDiplomacy and DefenseFull text of Obama's UN General Assembly speech
Obama touched on several aspects of U.S. foreign policy in the Mideast, focusing on Syria, Iran's nuclear program and peace between Israel and the Palestinians.
By Haaretz | Sep. 24, 2013 | 7:32 PM | 1

Obama waves after speaking at the 68th United Nations General Assembly. September 24, 2013. Photo by AFP Text size Comments (1) Print Page Send to friend Share on Facebook Share on Twitter Share this story is byHaaretz related tagsBarack Obama UN Hassan Rohani Middle East peace
Obama at the UNGC. September 24, 2013. Photo by AFP
U.S. President Barack Obama addresses the UN General Assembly. September 24, 2013. Photo by AFP Mr. President, Mr. Secretary General, fellow delegates, ladies and gentlemen: each year we come together to reaffirm the founding vision of this institution. For most of recorded history, individual aspirations were subject to the whims of tyrants and empires. Divisions of race, religion and tribe were settled through the sword and the clash of armies. The idea that nations and peoples could come together in peace to solve their disputes and advance a common prosperity seemed unimaginable.

It took the awful carnage of two world wars to shift our thinking. The leaders who built the United Nations were not naïve; they did not think this body could eradicate all wars. But in the wake of millions dead and continents in rubble; and with the development of nuclear weapons that could annihilate a planet; they understood that humanity could not survive the course it was on. So they gave us this institution, believing that it could allow us to resolve conflicts, enforce rules of behavior, and build habits of cooperation that would grow stronger over time.

For decades, the UN has in fact made a real difference – from helping to eradicate disease, to educating children, to brokering peace. But like every generation of leaders, we face new and profound challenges, and this body continues to be tested. The question is whether we possess the wisdom and the courage, as nation-states and members of an international community, to squarely meet those challenges; whether the United Nations can meet the tests of our time.

For much of my time as president, some of our most urgent challenges have revolved around an increasingly integrated global economy, and our efforts to recover from the worst economic crisis of our lifetime. Now, five years after the global economy collapsed, thanks to coordinated efforts by the countries here today, jobs are being created, global financial systems have stabilized, and people are being lifted out of poverty. But this progress is fragile and unequal, and we still have work to do together to assure that our citizens can access the opportunity they need to thrive in the 21st century.

Together, we have also worked to end a decade of war. Five years ago, nearly 180,000 Americans were serving in harm’s way, and the war in Iraq was the dominant issue in our relationship with the rest of the world. Today, all of our troops have left Iraq. Next year, an international coalition will end its war in Afghanistan, having achieved its mission of dismantling the core of Al-Qaida that attacked us on 9/11.

For the United States, these new circumstances have also meant shifting away from a perpetual war-footing. Beyond bringing our troops home, we have limited the use of drones so they target only those who pose a continuing, imminent threat to the United States where capture is not feasible, and there is a near certainty of no civilian casualties. We are transferring detainees to other countries and trying terrorists in courts of law, while working diligently to close the prison at Guantanamo Bay. And just as we reviewed how we deploy our extraordinary military capabilities in a way that lives up to our ideals, we have begun to review the way that we gather intelligence, so as to properly balance the legitimate security concerns of our citizens and allies, with the privacy concerns that all people share.

As a result of this work, and cooperation with allies and partners, the world is more stable than it was five years ago. But even a glance at today’s headlines indicates the dangers that remain. In Kenya, we’ve seen terrorists target innocent civilians in a crowded shopping mall. In Pakistan, nearly 100 people were recently killed by suicide bombers outside a church. In Iraq, killings and car bombs continue to be a horrific part of life. Meanwhile, Al-Qaida has splintered into regional networks and militias, which has not carried out an attack like 9/11, but does pose serious threats to governments, diplomats, businesses and civilians across the globe.

Just as significantly, the convulsions in the Middle East and North Africa have laid bare deep divisions within societies, as an old order is upended, and people grapple with what comes next. Peaceful movements have been answered by violence – from those resisting change, and from extremists trying to hijack change. Sectarian conflict has reemerged. And the potential spread of weapons of mass destruction casts a shadow over the pursuit of peace.

Nowhere have we seen these trends converge more powerfully than in Syria. There, peaceful protests against an authoritarian regime were met with repression and slaughter. In the face of carnage, many retreated to their sectarian identity – Alawite and Sunni; Christian and Kurd – and the situation spiraled into civil war. The international community recognized the stakes early on, but our response has not matched the scale of the challenge. Aid cannot keep pace with the suffering of the wounded and displaced. A peace process is still-born. America and others have worked to bolster the moderate opposition, but extremist groups have still taken root to exploit the crisis. Assad’s traditional allies have propped him up, citing principles of sovereignty to shield his regime. And on August 21, the regime used chemical weapons in an attack that killed more than 1,000 people, including hundreds of children.

The crisis in Syria, and the destabilization of the region, goes to the heart of broader challenges that the international community must now confront. How should we respond to conflicts in the Middle East and North Africa – conflicts between countries, but also conflicts within them? How do we address the choice of standing callously by while children are subjected to nerve gas, or embroiling ourselves in someone else’s civil war? What is the role of force in resolving disputes that threaten the stability of the region and undermine all basic standards of civilized conduct? What is the role of the United Nations, and international law, in meeting cries for justice?

Today, I want to outline where the United States of America stands on these issues. With respect to Syria, we believe that as a starting point, the international community must enforce the ban on chemical weapons. When I stated my willingness to order a limited strike against the Assad regime in response to the brazen use of chemical weapons, I did not do so lightly. I did so because I believe it is in the security interest of the United States and the world to meaningfully enforce a prohibition whose origins are older than the UN itself. The ban against the use of chemical weapons, even in war, has been agreed to by 98 percent of humanity. It is strengthened by the searing memories of soldiers suffocated in the trenches; Jews slaughtered in gas chambers; and Iranians poisoned in the many tens of thousands.

The evidence is overwhelming that the Assad regime used such weapons on August 21. UN inspectors gave a clear accounting that advanced rockets fired large quantities of sarin gas at civilians. These rockets were fired from a regime-controlled neighborhood, and landed in opposition neighborhoods. It is an insult to human reason – and to the legitimacy of this institution – to suggest that anyone other than the regime carried out this attack.

I know that in the immediate aftermath of the attack, there were those who questioned the legitimacy of even a limited strike in the absence of a clear mandate from the Security Council. But without a credible military threat, the Security Council had demonstrated no inclination to act at all. However, as I’ve discussed with President Putin for over a year, most recently in St. Petersburg, my preference has always been a diplomatic resolution to this issue, and in the past several weeks, the United States, Russia and our allies have reached an agreement to place Syria’s chemical weapons under international control, and then to destroy them.

The Syrian government took a first step by giving an accounting of its stockpiles. Now, there must be a strong Security Council Resolution to verify that the Assad regime is keeping its commitments, and there must be consequences if they fail to do so. If we cannot agree even on this, then it will show that the U.N. is incapable of enforcing the most basic of international laws. On the other hand, if we succeed, it will send a powerful message that the use of chemical weapons has no place in the 21st century, and that this body means what it says.

Agreement on chemical weapons should energize a larger diplomatic effort to reach a political settlement within Syria. I do not believe that military action – by those within Syria, or by external powers – can achieve a lasting peace. Nor do I believe that America or any nation should determine who will lead Syria – that is for the Syrian people to decide. Nevertheless, a leader who slaughtered his citizens and gassed children to death cannot regain the legitimacy to lead a badly fractured country. The notion that Syria can return to a pre-war status quo is a fantasy. It’s time for Russia and Iran to realize that insisting on Assad’s rule will lead directly to the outcome they fear: an increasingly violent space for extremists to operate. In turn, those of us who continue to support the moderate opposition must persuade them that the Syrian people cannot afford a collapse of state institutions, and that a political settlement cannot be reached without addressing the legitimate fears of Alawites and other minorities.

As we pursue a settlement, let us remember that this is not a zero-sum endeavor. We are no longer in a Cold War. There’s no Great Game to be won, nor does America have any interest in Syria beyond the well-being of its people, the stability of its neighbors, the elimination of chemical weapons, and ensuring it does not become a safe-haven for terrorists. I welcome the influence of all nations that can help bring about a peaceful resolution of Syria’s civil war. And as we move the Geneva process forward, I urge all nations here to step up to meet humanitarian needs in Syria and surrounding countries. America has committed over a billion dollars to this effort, and today, I can announce that we will be providing an additional $340 million. No aid can take the place of a political resolution that gives the Syrian people the chance to begin rebuilding their country – but it can help desperate people survive.

What broader conclusions can be drawn from America’s policy toward Syria? I know there are those who have been frustrated by our unwillingness to use our military might to depose Assad, and believe that a failure to do so indicates a weakening of America’s resolve in the region. Others have suggested that my willingness to direct even limited military strikes to deter the further use of chemical weapons shows that we have learned nothing from Iraq, and that America continues to seek control over the Middle East for our own purposes. In this way, the situation in Syria mirrors a contradiction that has persisted in the region for decades: the United States is chastised for meddling in the region, and accused of having a hand in all manner of conspiracy; at the same time, the United States is blamed for failing to do enough to solve the region’s problems, and for showing indifference toward suffering Muslim populations.

I realize some of this is inevitable, given America’s role in the world. But these attitudes have a practical impact on the American peoples’ support for our involvement in the region, and allow leaders in the region – and the international community – to avoid addressing difficult problems. So let me take this opportunity to outline what has been U.S. policy towards the Middle East and North Africa, and what will be my policy during the remainder of my presidency.

The United States of America is prepared to use all elements of our power, including military force, to secure these core interests in the region.

We will confront external aggression against our allies and partners, as we did in the Gulf War.

We will ensure the free flow of energy from the region to the world. Although America is steadily reducing our own dependence on imported oil, the world still depends upon the region’s energy supply, and a severe disruption could destabilize the entire global economy.

We will dismantle terrorist networks that threaten our people. Wherever possible, we will build the capacity of our partners, respect the sovereignty of nations, and work to address the root causes of terror. But when its necessary to defend the United States against terrorist attacks, we will take direct action.

And finally, we will not tolerate the development or use of weapons of mass destruction. Just as we consider the use of chemical weapons in Syria to be a threat to our own national security, we reject the development of nuclear weapons that could trigger a nuclear arms race in the region, and undermine the global non-proliferation regime.

Now, to say these are America’s core interests is not to say these are our only interests. We deeply believe it is in our interest to see a Middle East and North Africa that is peaceful and prosperous; and will continue to promote democracy, human rights, and open markets, because we believe these practices achieve peace and prosperity. But I also believe that we can rarely achieve these objectives through unilateral American action – particularly with military action. Iraq shows us that democracy cannot be imposed by force. Rather, these objectives are best achieved when we partner with the international community, and with the countries and people of the region.

What does this mean going forward? In the near term, America’s diplomatic efforts will focus on two particular issues: Iran’s pursuit of nuclear weapons, and the Arab-Israeli conflict. While these issues are not the cause of all the region’s problems, they have been a major source of instability for far too long, and resolving them can help serve as a foundation for a broader peace.

The United States and Iran have been isolated from one another since the Islamic Revolution of 1979. This mistrust has deep roots. Iranians have long complained of a history of U.S. interference in their affairs, and America’s role in overthrowing an Iranian government during the Cold War. On the other hand, Americans see an Iranian government that has declared the United States an enemy, and directly – or through proxies – taken Americans hostage, killed U.S. troops and civilians, and threatened our ally Israel with destruction.

I don’t believe this difficult history can be overcome overnight – the suspicion runs too deep. But I do believe that if we can resolve the issue of Iran’s nuclear program, that can serve as a major step down a long road towards a different relationship – one based on mutual interests and mutual respect.

Since I took office, I have made it clear – in letters to the Supreme Leader in Iran and more recently to President Rohani – that America prefers to resolve our concerns over Iran’s nuclear program peacefully, but that we are determined to prevent them from developing a nuclear weapon. We are not seeking regime change, and we respect the right of the Iranian people to access peaceful nuclear energy. Instead, we insist that the Iranian government meet its responsibilities under the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty and UN Security Council resolutions.

Meanwhile, the Supreme Leader has issued a fatwa against the development of nuclear weapons, and President Rohani has just recently reiterated that the Islamic Republic will never develop a nuclear weapon.

These statements made by our respective governments should offer the basis for a meaningful agreement. We should be able to achieve a resolution that respects the rights of the Iranian people, while giving the world confidence that the Iranian program is peaceful. To succeed, conciliatory words will have to be matched by actions that are transparent and verifiable. After all, it is the Iranian government’s choices that have led to the comprehensive sanctions that are currently in place. This isn’t simply an issue between America and Iran – the world has seen Iran evade its responsibilities in the past, and has an abiding interest in making sure that Iran meets its obligations in the future.

We are encouraged that President Rohani received from the Iranian people a mandate to pursue a more moderate course. Given President Rohani’s stated commitment to reach an agreement, I am directing John Kerry to pursue this effort with the Iranian government, in close coordination with the European Union, the United Kingdom, France, Germany, Russia and China. The roadblocks may prove to be too great, but I firmly believe the diplomatic path must be tested. For while the status quo will only deepen Iran’s isolation, Iran’s genuine commitment to go down a different path will be good for the region and the world, and will help the Iranian people meet their extraordinary potential – in commerce and culture; in science and education.

We are also determined to resolve a conflict that goes back even further than our differences with Iran: the conflict between Palestinians and Israelis. I have made clear that the United States will never compromise our commitment to Israel’s security, nor our support for its existence as a Jewish state. Earlier this year, in Jerusalem, I was inspired by young Israelis who stood up for the belief that peace was necessary, just, and possible, and I believe there is a growing recognition within Israel that the occupation of the West Bank is tearing at the democratic fabric of the Jewish state. But the children of Israel have the right to live in a world where the nations assembled in this body fully recognize their country, and unequivocally reject those who fire rockets at their homes or incite others to hate them.

Likewise, the United States remains committed to the belief that the Palestinian people have a right to live with security and dignity in their own sovereign state. On the same trip, I had the opportunity to meet with young Palestinians in Ramallah whose ambition and potential are matched by the pain they feel in having no firm place in the community of nations. They are understandably cynical that real progress will ever be made, and frustrated by their families enduring the daily indignity of occupation. But they recognize that two states is the only real path to peace: because just as the Palestinian people must not be displaced, the state of Israel is here to stay.

The time is now ripe for the entire international community to get behind the pursuit of peace. Already, Israeli and Palestinian leaders have demonstrated a willingness to take significant political risks. [Palestinian] President Abbas has put aside efforts to short-cut the pursuit of peace and come to the negotiating table. Prime Minister Netanyahu has released Palestinian prisoners, and reaffirmed his commitment to a Palestinian state. Current talks are focused on final status issues of borders and security, refugees and Jerusalem.

Now the rest of us must also be willing to take risks. Friends of Israel, including the United States, must recognize that Israel’s security as a Jewish and democratic state depends upon the realization of a Palestinian state. Arab states – and those who have supported the Palestinians – must recognize that stability will only be served through a two-state solution with a secure Israel. All of us must recognize that peace will be a powerful tool to defeat extremists, and embolden those who are prepared to build a better future. Moreover, ties of trade and commerce between Israelis and Arabs could be an engine of growth and opportunity at a time when too many young people in the region are languishing without work. So let us emerge from the familiar corners of blame and prejudice, and support Israeli and Palestinian leaders who are prepared to walk the difficult road to peace.

Real breakthroughs on these two issues – Iran’s nuclear program, and Israeli-Palestinian peace – would have a profound and positive impact on the entire Middle East and North Africa. But the current convulsions arising out of the Arab Spring remind us that a just and lasting peace cannot be measured only by agreements between nations. It must also be measured by our ability to resolve conflict and promote justice within nations. And by that measure, it is clear to all of us that there is much more work to be done.

When peaceful transitions began in Tunisia and Egypt, the entire world was filled with hope. And although the United States – like others – was struck by the speed of transition, and did not – in fact could not – dictate events, we chose to support those who called for change. We did so based on the belief that while these transitions will be hard, and take time, societies based upon democracy and openness and the dignity of the individual will ultimately be more stable, more prosperous, and more peaceful.

Over the last few years, particularly in Egypt, we’ve seen just how hard this transition will be. Mohammed Morsi was democratically elected, but proved unwilling or unable to govern in a way that was fully inclusive. The interim government that replaced him responded to the desires of millions of Egyptians who believed the revolution had taken a wrong turn, but it too has made decisions inconsistent with inclusive democracy – through an emergency law, and restrictions on the press, civil society, and opposition parties.

Of course, America has been attacked by all sides of this internal conflict, simultaneously accused of supporting the Muslim Brotherhood, and engineering their removal from power. In fact, the United States has purposely avoided choosing sides. Our over-riding interest throughout these past few years has been to encourage a government that legitimately reflects the will of the Egyptian people, and recognizes true democracy as requiring a respect for minority rights, the rule of law, freedom of speech and assembly, and a strong civil society.

That remains our interest today. And so, going forward, the United States will maintain a constructive relationship with the interim government that promotes core interests like the Camp David Accords and counter-terrorism. We will continue support in areas like education that benefit the Egyptian people. But we have not proceeded with the delivery of certain military systems, and our support will depend upon Egypt’s progress in pursuing a democratic path.

Our approach to Egypt reflects a larger point: the United States will at times work with governments that do not meet the highest international expectations, but who work with us on our core interests. But we will not stop asserting principles that are consistent with our ideals, whether that means opposing the use of violence as a means of suppressing dissent, or supporting the principles embodied in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. We will reject the notion that these principles are simply Western exports, incompatible with Islam or the Arab World - they are the birthright of every person. And while we recognize that our influence will at times be limited; although we will be wary of efforts to impose democracy through military force, and will at times be accused of hypocrisy or inconsistency – we will be engaged in the region for the long haul. For the hard work of forging freedom and democracy is the task of a generation.

This includes efforts to resolve sectarian tensions that continue to surface in places like Iraq, Syria and Bahrain. Ultimately, such long-standing issues cannot be solved by outsiders; they must be addressed by Muslim communities themselves. But we have seen grinding conflicts come to an end before – most recently in Northern Ireland, where Catholics and Protestants finally recognized that an endless cycle of conflict was causing both communities to fall behind a fast-moving world.

In sum, the United States has a hard-earned humility when it comes to our ability to determine events inside other countries. The notion of American empire may be useful propaganda, but it isn’t borne out by America’s current policy or public opinion. Indeed, as the recent debate within the United States over Syria clearly showed, the danger for the world is not an America that is eager to immerse itself in the affairs of other countries, or take on every problem in the region as its own. The danger for the world is that the United States, after a decade of war; rightly concerned about issues back home; and aware of the hostility that our engagement in the region has engendered throughout the Muslim World, may disengage, creating a vacuum of leadership that no other nation is ready to fill.

I believe that would be a mistake. I believe America must remain engaged for our own security. I believe the world is better for it. Some may disagree, but I believe that America is exceptional – in part because we have shown a willingness, through the sacrifice of blood and treasure, to stand up not only for our own narrow self-interest, but for the interests of all. I must be honest, though: we are far more likely to invest our energy in those countries that want to work with us; that invest in their people, instead of a corrupt few; that embrace a vision of society where everyone can contribute – men and women, Shia or Sunni, Muslim, Christian or Jew. Because from Europe to Asia; from Africa to the Americas, nations that persevered on a democratic path have emerged more prosperous, more peaceful, and more invested in upholding our common security and our common humanity. And I believe that the same will hold true for the Arab World.

This leads me to a final point: there will be times when the breakdown of societies is so great, and the violence against civilians so substantial, that the international community will be called upon to act. This will require new thinking and some very tough choices. While the UN was designed to prevent wars between states, increasingly we face the challenge of preventing slaughter within states. And these challenges will grow more pronounced as we are confronted with states that are fragile or failing – places where horrendous violence can put innocent men, women and children at risk, with no hope of protection from national institutions.

I have made it clear that even when America’s core interests are not directly threatened, we stand ready to do our part to prevent mass atrocities and protect human rights. Yet we cannot and should not bear that burden alone. In Mali, we supported both the French intervention that successfully pushed back Al-Qaida, and the African forces who are keeping the peace. In Africa, we are working with partners to bring the Lord’s Resistance Army to an end. And in Libya, when the Security Council provided a mandate to protect civilians, America joined a coalition that took action. Because of what we did there, countless lives were saved, and a tyrant could not kill his way back to power.

I know that some now criticize the action in Libya as an object lesson. They point to problems that the country now confronts – a democratically-elected government struggling to provide security; armed groups, in some places extremists, ruling parts of a fractured land – and argue that any intervention to protect civilians is doomed to fail. No one is more mindful of these problems than I am, for they resulted in the death of four outstanding U.S. citizens who were committed to the Libyan people, including Ambassador Chris Stevens – a man whose courageous efforts helped save the city of Benghazi. But does anyone truly believe that the situation in Libya would be better if Gadhafi had been allowed to kill, imprison, or brutalize his people into submission? It is far more likely that without international action, Libya would now be engulfed in civil war and bloodshed.

We live in a world of imperfect choices. Different nations will not agree on the need for action in every instance, and the principle of sovereignty is at the center of our international order. But sovereignty cannot be a shield for tyrants to commit wanton murder, or an excuse for the international community to turn a blind eye to slaughter. While we need to be modest in our belief that we can remedy every evil, and we need to be mindful that the world is full of unintended consequences, should we really accept the notion that the world is powerless in the face of a Rwanda or Srebrenica? If that’s the world that people want to live in, then they should say so, and reckon with the cold logic of mass graves.

I believe we can embrace a different future. If we don’t want to choose between inaction and war, we must get better – all of us – at the policies that prevent the breakdown of basic order. Through respect for the responsibilities of nations and the rights of individuals. Through meaningful sanctions for those who break the rules. Through dogged diplomacy that resolves the root causes of conflict, and not merely its aftermath. Through development assistance that brings hope to the marginalized. And yes, sometimes, all this will not be enough – and in such moments, the international community will need to acknowledge that the multilateral use of military force may be required to prevent the very worst from occuring.

Ultimately, this is the international community that America seeks – one where nations do not covet the land or resources of other nations, but one in which we carry out the founding purpose of this institution. A world in which the rules established out of the horrors of war can help us resolve conflicts peacefully, and prevent the kind of wars that our forefathers fought. A world where human beings can live with dignity and meet their basic needs, whether they live in New York or Nairobi; in Peshawar or Damascus.

These are extraordinary times, with extraordinary opportunities. Thanks to human progress, a child born anywhere on Earth can do things today that 60 years ago would have been out of reach for the mass of humanity. I saw this in Africa, where nations moving beyond conflict are now poised to take off. America is with them: partnering to feed the hungry, care for the sick, and to bring power to places off the grid.

I see it across the Pacific, where hundreds of millions have been lifted out of poverty in a single generation. I see it in the faces of young people everywhere who can access the entire world with the click of a button, and who are eager to join the cause of eradicating extreme poverty, combating climate change, starting businesses, expanding freedom, and leaving behind the old ideological battles of the past. That’s what’s happening in Asia and Africa; in Europe and the Americas. That’s the future that the people of the Middle East and North Africa deserve – one where they can focus on opportunity, instead of whether they’ll be killed or repressed because of who they are or what they believe.

Time and again, nations and people have shown our capacity to change – to live up to humanity’s highest ideals, to choose our better history. Last month, I stood where fifty years ago Martin Luther King Jr. told America about his dream, at a time when many people of my race could not even vote for President. Earlier this year, I stood in the small cell where Nelson Mandela endured decades cut off from his own people and the world. Who are we to believe that today’s challenges cannot be overcome, when we have seen what changes the human spirit can bring? Who in this hall can argue that the future belongs to those who seek to repress that spirit, rather than those who seek to liberate it?

I know what side of history I want to the United States of America to be on. We are ready to meet tomorrow’s challenges with you – firm in the belief that all men and women are in fact created equal, each individual possessed with a dignity that cannot be denied. That is why we look to the future not with fear, but with hope. That’s why we remain convinced that this community of nations can deliver a more peaceful, prosperous, and just world to the next generation.

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#775727 [Alhareth]
0.00/5 (0 صوت)

09-25-2013 02:47 AM
التحيه للاستاذ ابراهيم والتحيه لقيادات المؤتمر السوداني ومؤتمر المستقلين
وهم يخوضون معركه المصير ضد هذا النظام الفاشي وطدوا انفسكم علي الصمود فالمعركه مع هذا النظام قد تطول والنصر للثوار


#775717 [ابراهيم فرنسا]
0.00/5 (0 صوت)

09-25-2013 02:27 AM
ابراهيم الشيخ رئيس المجلس الاربعيني لعام 1985 وعند الانتفاضة كان بقاعة المجلس وهو من دعم الخروج واسقاط نميري وهو كادر خطابي مؤهل لمؤتمر الطلاب المستقلين في جامعة الخرطوم بعد فصله سياسية من جامعة جوبا ورجل اعما مشهور وذكي ورئيس حزب المؤتمر السودان نحيك علي هذا الموقف الشجاع في هذا الثورة وتحية اجلال ال مؤتمر الطلاب المستقلين الفصيل الطلابي لحزب المؤتمر السوداني


#775705 [السجن ترباسو انخلع]
5.00/5 (1 صوت)

09-25-2013 02:01 AM
شكرا ابراهيم الشيخ شكرا حزب المؤتمر السوداني ..
الشوارع مابتخونكم ابدا ابدا بس اوع من المساومات مهما قدم النظام من تنازلات سقفنا إسقاطه لانو هو الخيار الوحيد الفضل الليله الشفتو دا شئ عجيب واحساس كبير لدي السودانين بضروره ذهاب هؤلاء القتله والمفسدين نداء خاص لكل فئات الشعب السوداني دكاتره مهندسين مهنيين تجار طلبه قانويين مثقفين ساسه مزارعين الانضمام للشوارع ورفع الحناجر بالهتاف نحنا مرقنا ضد الناس السرقو عرقنا.


#775476 [Adam Ibrahim]
0.00/5 (0 صوت)

09-24-2013 10:35 PM
ابوخليل عهدناك رجلاً عصامياً مصادماً لم تتغير ولم تتبدل.. سنشهد معاً ميلاد سودانٍ جديدٍ بإذن الله..


#775448 [radona]
5.00/5 (1 صوت)

09-24-2013 10:18 PM
الاخ الاستاد ابراهيم الشيخ عبدالرحمن هو رجل عصامي كريم من اسرة عريقة وكريمة وممتده وقد لعبنا معا في ايام الطفولة الباكر ولكن تشاء الاقدار ان نفترق مند دلك الزمان ولكني لم استغرب ابدا ان اسمع بانه رجل خير وكرم ويتمتع بالصدق مع نفسه ومع غيره ولم يعرف عنه الا طيب الدكر وبالتالي ليس مستغرب منه الدعوة الى الثورة لاجتثاث اسباب الجوع والمرض والفقر الدي ضرب البلاد والعباد


#775438 [الفضل شنو؟؟؟؟؟]
0.00/5 (0 صوت)

09-24-2013 10:14 PM
ابراهيم الشيخ عبدد الرحمن رئيس حزب المؤتمر السوداني/مؤتمر الطلاب المستقلين ....
كامل التضامن مع ندائك لينا بالخروج ضد النظام البنعرفو نحنا ديل عمل شنو ووصلنا ياتو مرحله قسم السودانين لقبايل وبطون عرب وزرقه كفره ومسلمين ماجورين ووطنين هجر كل السودانين لبلاد بعيده بعد ماكانو معززين ومكرمين في بلدهم شرد اهالينا في الاطراف ووين كدي وروني زمان في استاذ بيغتصب تلميذتو الفي الفصل الموووت البي جمله نحنا النظام دا ماشفنا منو غير ماكلو يوم راجعينا ورا زي بول الجمل دا كوووم والدمار الحصل في التعليم كوووم براهو الليله الحبش فاتووونا وانا ماضد اي شعب انو يطور بس نحنا في فتره كنا اكتر الدول في المنطقه كان بامكانها تتقدم وبسرعه بس حظنا عاثر ديل حكمونا لاكن خلاس بعد دا شئ نخليهو ورانا زاتو ماعندنا ولااااااهي مابنرجع بيوتنا الا الحكومه تسقط يسقط يسقط حكم الاهبل حنكورك وحنشخبط في اي حيطه الليله اي سوداني حالف الا النظام دا يغادرنا لصالات المحاكمه والمحاسبه من كبيرم لي صغيرم ونرجع نبني بلدنا من جديد بلد نعيش فيهو كلنا مع بعض مايهم نحنا من وين ولونا شنو نحنا سودانين وبس وبس .
عمر البشير ليه انتا تبقي رئيسنا وفينا المتعلمين والمثقفين والساسه والاكاديمين ليه انتا تبقي رئيسنا ليه بس


#775352 [ابو سودان]
0.00/5 (0 صوت)

09-24-2013 09:32 PM
شكرًا المناضل الثائر ابراهيم الشيخ
شكرًا حزب المؤتمر السوداني وفصيله الطلابي مؤتمر الطلاب المستقلين
أنتم والشرفاء عشمنا ببناء وطن يسع الجميع..

حرية سلام وعدالة والثورة خيار الشعب


#775267 [الشريف]
0.00/5 (0 صوت)

09-24-2013 08:26 PM
ابراهيم الشيخ اخوك اناو سندك ارمى قدام


#775169 [كاودا]
5.00/5 (2 صوت)

09-24-2013 07:08 PM
منذ منتصف الثمانينيات كان ابراهيم الشيخ رئيس مؤتمر الطلاب المستقلين بجامعة الخرطوم وكان يدفع مصاريف التنظيم من جيبه الخاص لانه كان تحصل علي منحة من هيئة الكهرباء التي عمل بها محاسباً ولما تخرج رجع الي الكهرباء فقام بفصله أبو "كرنك" الذي اصبح السودان حق امه حتي يفصل صغار الموظفين بقرار رئاسي ، كان يحذر الطلاب من خطورة وصول الكيزان للسلطة لكن قالوا الميتة ما بتسمع الصياح ، اشهد له ببسالته وعدم خوفة من جرذان الاخوان كان مصادما لهم حتي تمت محاولة لقتل جماعة من تنظيمه منهم عمر الدقير لا اذكر هل ابراهيم كان معهم اذا في واحد عنده معلومة فليصححني!!


#775132 [سيف طه]
4.50/5 (2 صوت)

09-24-2013 06:52 PM
للذين لا يعرفون ابراهيم الشيخ : هو احد زعماء حركة المستقلين الأكثر عطاء، رئيس المجلس الاربعيني لاتحاد الانتفاضه بجامعة الخرطوم ، رجل عصامي كان يدرس بالجامعة ويعمل بالهيئة القومية للكهرباء في نفس الوقت ، احد مؤسسي المؤتمر السوداني ورئيسه الحالي ، شجاع ومصادم ، ود بلد وأخو اخوان


#775080 [السوداني]
0.00/5 (0 صوت)

09-24-2013 06:26 PM
السيد ابراهيم الشيخ لاتلفت الى الكيزان واذيالهم الذبن يسعون لاجاض الثورة تحرك واعمل ولله معك ونحن امامكم وسيرى هؤلاء التافهون ماذا سيحدث .....وانظر الى رد الاساتذ الجامعي هكذا هي الطبقة المستنيرة


#775019 [مجاسف]
5.00/5 (1 صوت)

09-24-2013 06:00 PM
ياجماعو هو شفتو من يظهرو احزاب وشيوخ وووووو اخير لينا الحرامية الشبعو ديل ديل جاااااااااااااااين جعاااااااااااااانين مافي زول ينصاع لي اي كلام الثورة ثورة الشعب يختار من يشاء وجاسفو معاي شوية


ردود على مجاسف
United States [عصمتووف] 09-24-2013 07:10 PM
اخير لينا الحرامية الشبعو ديل ديل جاااااااااااااااين جعاااااااااااااانين


اكتب بالعربي عشان نفهمك من هم الحرامية وهل تفضل الحرامية علي الاحزاب اري عزاب الاحزاب ولا الحرامية والخراب الاحزاب مقدور عليها خاصة الطائفية ممكن تقف في داخل حوش الصادق وتهتف بسقوطة ديمقراطية الاحزاب تعالج بمزيد من الديمقراطية ولو واضع بيضك فيسلة وشلة حرامي القلوب و و و و و و غيره واطتك اصبحت اقل واحد فيهم عمرة عمر الانقاذ يفرون من دوريات الشرطة ونجاحهم الوحيد الواحد يجكس بنت حلتة شغل الثورات يتطلب رجالا خشنين ثوارا وثيرانا وليس ماعز وضان

[ود ابو زهانة] 09-24-2013 07:07 PM
لعن الله كسارى المجاديف والارزقية


#774994 [عادل]
0.00/5 (0 صوت)

09-24-2013 05:48 PM
الثورة ثورة شعب لايمين ولايسار الشعب هو السار كفاية سرقة ثورات كفاية سرقة ثورات تاني مابننخدع


#774967 [SESE]
0.00/5 (0 صوت)

09-24-2013 05:38 PM
الأمر أمر بلد يتمزق من أطرافه وتمتهن كرامة أهله ويزل شعبه والامر امر دين صار تجارة لمن لا تجاره له يجرم باسمه المجرمون ويأكله به العطالى ويعتاش عليه الكسالى ويتسول به المتسولون يدعون انهم اولياء الله في الارض وخلفائه على الناس وكله كذب في كذب وزور في زور وبهتان في بهتان لأن الله لم يوليهم علينا بل اولوا انفسهم بأنفسهم فكيف يزكون انفسهم على الناس في الوقت الذي فيه نحن كلنا مسلمين ومسلمين قبل ما تلدهم امهاتهم.......


#774934 [السر احمد اللازم]
5.00/5 (1 صوت)

09-24-2013 05:17 PM
سيروا والشعب من خلفكم ولا مهادنة مع النظام الظالم الخلاص يتم بوقفة قوية من الكل


#774922 [yoyo]
4.50/5 (2 صوت)

09-24-2013 05:06 PM
ابراهيم الشيخ دة بولع اللساتك بيدو ويجرها يدخلا شارع المظاهرة البطن الجابتك ماتندم


#774903 [استاذ جامعي]
4.00/5 (2 صوت)

09-24-2013 04:57 PM
سلمت يا ابوخليل ونحن من خلفكم ،، لا للظلم ، لا للطغيان ،، لا للفساد ،، لا للقهر ،، لا للاستبداد ،، أتمني ان تنشق القوات النظامية امنها وشرطتها وجيشها وان شاء الله ثورة حتي النصر
أتمني ان يقفوا مع انفسهم ومع شعبهم ضد هذا الديك وتور وزمرته النازية والما نافع ،، المتسلط ،، الديمومة لله وحده ولا لاحد سواه ،، وعزتي وجلالي لا أظلمن أحدا لاحد،، هذا وعد الله يا ديك وتور وليس وعدا منك ،، وانت لحظة النزع وان شاء الله لا يخلف الله وعده ،،، واذا كان 24 سنة ما تم إصلاح فهل فكرت الان فى الاصلاح !! اتق الله فى الشعب المغلوب علي أمره ،، حذروك ولم تسمع واصغيت للمنتفعين والحرامية من حولك بنوا لك برجا عاجيا ،، وان شاء الله سينقلب عليكم ،، يا اخي عربات حراستك قيمتها وميزانية حراستك تطعم 5000 جائع وتأوي 5000 اسرة وتعالج 5000 مريض بالفشل الكلوي ،،، من انت يا نازي ،، ابوك كان رجلا فقيرا والحال من بعضه ،، لماذا لم تضع تلك الايام فى مخيلتك وتتخيل هذا الشعب من ذاك الواقع ،، لعنة الله عليهم المطبلاتية ، أضاعوا الشعب واضاعوك وضيعوا الوطن ،، حسبنا الله فيك وفيهم ،، اذا كنت تؤمن بالقدر ،، فقدرك قادم وما أسوا قدرك يا ديكتاتور ،، أنسيت انك تحكم شعب السودان ،، وانت تعلم من هو شعب السودان واحسب انك فى غيبوبة ولكن ستفيق منها أسوة وإفاقة القذافي من غيبوبته حينما فعل الثوار فعلتهم به ،، لماذا يا عمر ابغضت الشعب فيك لماذا جعلت الله يكرهك ،، يا عميد الرؤساء العرب ،،هل تعلم ان الدستور الامريكي لا يسمح لرجل ليس والد ( اب ) ان يحكم !! فكل هذا ليس مستغرب عنك !! فالرحمة من الرحم وانت رحمك مقطوع !! فمن اين لك برحمة شعب السودان ،، !!! دماء هذا الشعب فى رقبتك ،، بعد هذا المؤتمر الصحفي اثبت لكل الشعب السوداني انك ديك وتور بحق وحقيقي !!!! وبعد هذا اللقاء اصبح كل الشعب السوداني يبغضك ليس فقط لرفع الدعم !! ولكن للازدراء واللغة الاستعلائية التي خاطبت بها الناس ( superiority complex ) أصابك هذا المرض ،،، وانت من الاول مصاب ب ( inferiority complex ) فتخيل شخص مصاب بعقدتين فى ان واحد كيف له ان يحكم شعب ومش اي شعب ،، شعب كشعب السودان البطل !! عقدة الاستعلاء وعقدة النقص !!! يا ويلك يا عمر ،،،، *


#774885 [fato]
5.00/5 (2 صوت)

09-24-2013 04:44 PM
نؤيدك بشدة وماعلي الشعب ألا الثبات فالنظام يلفظ أنفاسه الأخيرة.وثورة حتي النصر


#774880 [مجدي]
5.00/5 (3 صوت)

09-24-2013 04:43 PM
العصيان المدني طريق الخلاص
الشارع لن يجلوه الرصاص
الفجر قد لاح
ولن يثنينا الظلام
ملء افواهنا الهتاف
وليس في يدي اكثر من حجر
الخلاص .......الخلاص


#774862 [ود كترينا]
5.00/5 (1 صوت)

09-24-2013 04:26 PM
*** مبارك الفاضل وصديق يوسف وانتصار العقلى والبوشى وابراهيم الشيخ كدا!!أمال وين الأحنف بن تيس أبو المنصورة..لسة بيمضى مذكرة التحرير!!قال منتظر الوزارة يدخلو فيها المنصورة ورباح وبعلها الغالى!!!


#774859 [عصمتووف]
5.00/5 (2 صوت)

09-24-2013 04:25 PM
ابراهيم الشيخ عبدالرحمن
رئيس حزب المؤتمر السوداني

استاذي الجليل كنت املك يوما ما معلومة مغلوطة وتابعيتك للاخوان ولا اخفي شعوري ضد جميع ما يسمون انفسهم اخوانا بل هما اخوان ابليس في المنشط والمكره بل ابليس ترك ارض السودان لهم وجد اسوء واحط البشر لا تصدق لو قلت لك لدي حساسية ضد كل دقن حتي دقن لينين وجون قرنق وسلفا كير وعباية اما ما يطلق عليهم التكفيرين هم لا يسون شئ المهم اعتذر لك عن ما اصابك من رشاش كلامي فانت مفخرة للقاده المعارضين بعد المرحوم نقد طيب الله ثراة


ردود على عصمتووف
[مجاسف] 09-24-2013 07:51 PM
مافي زول ينصاع لي اي كلام الثورة ثورة الشعب يختار من يشاء وجاسفو معاي شوية وباذن الله يسقط النظام ---- وياشيخ عصمتووف ؟؟؟؟ انا حر ومابعرف غير السودان وتاني بلا احزاب بلا عفن كلهم جربناهم ..الخير في الشباب والحاكم لهذا البلد شاب باذن الله تعالي

United States [كومرت] 09-24-2013 05:56 PM
نحن مع الثورة ضد الكيزان لكن الدقن من شعائر الاسلام(والرسول كان ملتحيا)فبغض النظر عن الخلاف فيه فلن يضيره سوء استخدام الكيزان والتكفيريين له لذا فرغم كرهنا الشديد لكل ماهو كيزاني الا اننانعتز بديننا الطاهر مهما دنسه اخوان الشيطان



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